Parpol Turun Suara Harus Evaluasi Diri

BANDA ACEH – Pengamat hukum dan politik, Saifuddin Bantasyam SH MA mengatakan, perlu ada penelitian ilmiah atau setidaknya evaluasi diri oleh partai politik (parpol) untuk mengetahui apa penyebab utama mengapa perolehan kursi Partai Aceh dan Partai Demokrat, misalnya, turun pada Pileg 9 April lalu di Aceh. Sebaliknya, mengapa pula suara Partai NasDem dan Gerindra meningkat.

Ia berpandangan, hasil pileg tahun ini selayaknya dijadikan pengurus parpol sebagai awal bagi kesadaran bersama bahwa rakyat memang berdaulat dalam menentukan pilihannya. “Parpol pun harus percaya bahwa publik itu memiliki rasionalitasnya sendiri dan menghukum siapa pun yang mereka mau,” kata Dosen Tetap Fakultas Hukum Universitas Syiah Kuala (FH Unsyiah) ini saat dimintai pendapatnya, Senin (5/5) sehubungan dengan liputan eksklusif Serambi berjudul Menanti Langkah PA ke Depan yang dipublikasi kemarin.
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Mualem: PA Siap Berubah

SERAMBI/BUDI FATRIA

BANDA ACEH – Wagub Aceh, Muzakir Manaf yang juga Ketua Dewan Pimpinan Pusat Partai Aceh (DPP-PA) menyatakan, hasil Pemilu Legislatif (Pileg) 2014 akan dijadikan bahan kajian dan analisa untuk menjadi dasar bagi PA melakukan perubahan ke arah yang lebih baik.

“Celah-celah kelemahan PA di Pileg 2014 akan dievaluasi dan dijadikan bahan untuk mengubah sistem komunikasi partai kepada rakyat,” kata Muzakir Manaf secara khusus menjawab Serambi di ruang kerjanya, Senin (5/5).
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Pentingnya Posisi Aceh dalam Politik Nasional

Kampanye Partai Gerindra di Banda Aceh, 1 April 2014|European Pressphoto Agency

JAKARTA–Provinsi Aceh merekam peningkatan aksi kekerasan menjelang pemilihan umum legislatif pada 9 April. Sebelum akhirnya menikmati situasi damai pada 2005, daerah tersebut telah lama menjadi sarang konflik separatis.

Sejumlah analis keamanan mengatakan kekerasan yang ditandai dengan terjadinya baku tembak, pengrusakan, dan penyerbuan menyiratkan dalamnya rivalitas antarfaksi yang bertikai.
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Perkembangan Strategis Aceh Menjelang Pemilu 2014

Citizen6, Jakarta: Belum lama ini yaitu 7 Januari 2014 di Banda Aceh, salah seorang pengamat politik di Aceh bercerita kepada penulis, bahwa Partai Aceh (PA) menargetkan akan memperoleh 80% suara pada Pemilu 2014. Karena saat ini hanya 3 partai lokal saja yang mengikuti Pemilu 2014.

Muzakkir Manaf meminta seluruh pengurus dan kader PA di Aceh untuk bersatu dan saling bekerja sama meraih kemenangan tersebut. Sementara, PA wilayah Pasee akan meraih suara sebanyak 90% di wilayah Lhokseumawe dan Aceh Utara, baik untuk DPRK maupun DPRA, karena PA di wilayah Pasee sangat solid.

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Dua Partai Politik Fenomal Nasional dan Lokal: Partai Demokrat dan Partai Aceh Jelang Pesta Demokrasi PILEG 2014 Diambang Pinto Aceh

Mempertahankan kemenangan jauh lebih sulit daripada meraih kemenangan itu sendiri, didalam segala bidang mempertahankan prestasi dan predikat juara dibutuhkan konsistensi dan daya juang yang tinggi serta mental juara. Begitupula didalam bidang politik partai lokal yang saat ini mendominasi kursi di DPRA dan DPRK propinsi Aceh yaitu Partai Aceh menjelang pesta demokrasi Pileg 2014 tentu tidak mau dipencundangi oleh partai lokal lain yang pada pesta demokrasi tahun 2014 nanti hanya ada tiga partai lokal yang akan bertarung yaitu Partai Damai Aceh (PDA), serta partai pendatang baru yaitu Partai Nasional Aceh (PNA) dan Partai Aceh. Serta partai nasional yang akan bersaing diambang pinto Aceh yaitu, Partai Demokrat, Partai Golkar, Partai PPP, Partai PDIP, Partai Hanura, Partai PAN,Partai PKB,Partai Gerindra,Partai PBB,Partai PKS,Partai PKPI,serta Partai NASDEM.

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Arie Maulana: Politisi PA Gagal Jadikan Bendera Kepentingan Bersama

Banda Aceh – Polemik bendera bulan bintang yang masih menunggu pertemuan antara Gubernur Zaini Abdullah dengan Presiden SBY menjadi perhatian aktifis 1998. Menurut Arie Maulana, mantan aktifis SMUR (Solidaritas Mahasiswa untuk Rakyat) polemik bendera ini disebabkan karena kesalahan komunikasi politik Partai Aceh (PA).

“Pola komunikasi politisi PA, memberi kesan bahwa mereka telah menggunakan isu bendera ini hanya untuk meningkatkan elektabilitas personalnya pada 2014. Sehingga ini menjadi sumber kecurigaan utama berbagai elemen masyarakat di Aceh. Penafian aspirasi masyarakat Gayo dan Barat Selatan tidak bisa begitu saja dilakukan politisi PA. Ini sangat kita sayangkan. Akibatnya PA berjalan sendirian, ” kata Arie kepada The Globe Journal, Minggu (7/4/2013) malam.
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Catatan Politik Aceh 2012: Antara Fragmentasi dan Jebakan Korupsi

Tahun 2012 menjadi tahun yang sangat penting bagi keberlanjutan pemerintahan dan masa depan Aceh. Pada tahun inilah, pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) kedua sejak masa damai digelar. Pemerintahan baru pun dihasilkan. Terpilihnya pemerintahan baru hanyalah titik awal. Setumpuk persoalan politik menunggu sentuhan pemerintahan ini.

Pilkada Aceh 2012 ditandai dengan kemenangan pasangan yang diusung Partai Aceh, Zaini Abdullah-Muzakir Manaf , sebagai nahkoda Aceh yang baru untuk periode 2012-2017. Pasangan tersebut meraih suara 1.327.695 atau 55,78 persen dari total suara sah 2.457.196. C alon gubernur petahana yang maju dari jalur perseorangan, Irwandi Yusuf, yang berpasangan dengan Muhyan Yunan, hanya menempati posisi kedua dengan perolehan suara 694.515 atau 29,8 persen.

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With Aceh Party Win, Chance for New Era

Banda Aceh. After its resounding victory in Aceh’s gubernatorial election, the real work is just beginning for the Aceh Party.

As Jakarta and the international community cautiously welcome the election of former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels Zaini Abdullah and Muzakir Manaf as governor and deputy governor, Acehnese long for the stability and prosperity once promised by the secessionist group.

Observers say the former rebels have a make-or-break opportunity to cement their credibility as leaders. Unlike when the outgoing governor, Irwandi Yusuf, also a former GAM member, was elected in 2007, the Aceh Party now holds a sweeping majority in the executive and legislative bodies in cities and districts across the province.

Though he served as the form er GAM propaganda chief, Irwandi was not seen as a true representative of the former rebels because he was not endorsed by the Aceh Party’s old guard. He ran as an independent this year.

Zaini, the foreign and health minister for the Aceh government-in-exile in Sweden during the decades-long struggle with Jakarta, and Muzakir, a former GAM military commander, received the unanimous support of the party elites.

Zaini was the chief negotiator for GAM when it signed the 2005 Helsinki peace accord with Jakarta that ended three decades of bloody conflict.

“It’s about both the past and future,” rights activist Hendardi, chairman of the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said in Jakarta on Thursday.

“They have struggled for years in the past to rule the province. And now that they have finally gotten it democratically, it’s a chance that they better use.”

Otherwise, he said, the former rebels will lose credibility — not only at the local level but also nationally and internationally.

“The yardstick will be their ability to reduce conflict, push economic development and tackle corruption,” he said.

While local experts are upbeat about the future of the Aceh Party’s rule, they have underlined the importance of prioritizing public welfare over initiatives like implementing a more stringent version of Shariah law — a central platform of the governor-elect’s campaign that Hendardi said was only lip service to attract voters.

“At the end of the day, people will judge [Zaini] by how much he raises the province’s living standards,” he said.

Nazamuddin Basyah Said, an economist at Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, urged Zaini to put money into fixing Aceh’s irrigation system, highways and seaports.

“Please drop the rhetoric and start taking concrete action,” he said. “Building infrastructure can create jobs and reduce the province’s current 19 percent poverty rate.”

He predicted that with all the former rebels united in support of Zaini and Muzakir, Aceh would benefit from stability. “I believe that there will be a huge difference,” he said. “More investors will come to a secure Aceh.”

Shootings and firebombings took place intermittently across the province during Irwandi’s tenure, spiking during the run-up to the election, and reports of intimidation against voters dogged the polls.

Hendardi said Jakarta had no choice but to accept that former GAM members were now totally in charge in Aceh.

Others weren’t so quick to concede the point. Irwandi’s team announced it was filing a legal motion accusing the Aceh Party of intimidating voters, and asking that the election results be disallowed.

“We found criminal actions, intimidation and fraud during the election. We can’t accept the results,” Ligadinsyah, a member of Irwandi’s campaign team, said in Banda Aceh on Thursday.

Though he predicted the Constitutional Court would throw out the motion, an analyst at an Aceh-based think tank said reports of election-day intimidation and violence must be investigated.

“Zaini and Muzakir are the legitimate governor and deputy governor of Aceh,” said Teuku Ardiansyah, an analyst at the Katahati Institute. “However, we can’t allow a culture of violence to prevail and become the standard practice for winning elections.”

A spokesman for Irwandi said he would form a new party to monitor Zaini’s administration.

Ardiansyah, however, predicted that sooner or later Irwandi and his supporters would make peace with Zaini and the Aceh Party — who, after all, are his former comrades in arms.

“There will a reconciliation between them because they’ve been together in GAM,” he said. “That will take place this year.”

Zaini has indicated that he would be open to making amends with Irwandi.

“We realize that in building Aceh, we need all stakeholders to come aboard,” he said in Banda Aceh on Wednesday.

Source : thejakartaglobe.com

How Will Partai Aceh Govern?

The extraordinary victory of Partai Aceh (Aceh Party) raises questions about how Aceh will develop in the next five years. Will it grow into an authoritarian one-party enclave in the middle of democratic Indonesia or become a model for the transformation of a guerrilla movement into a responsible political force?

It is worth looking at why Partai Aceh won by such huge margins: close to 55 per cent overall and more than 70 per cent in the populous districts along the east coast. Intimidation, while significant, cannot explain these numbers.

Acehnese told us repeatedly last week that the election was about peace and security – avoiding any return to conflict and ensuring a sense of personal safety. Partai Aceh leaders successfully portrayed themselves as both the leaders of the guerrilla struggle and the architects of the 2005 peace. They also suggested vaguely, however, that if they weren’t elected, there could be trouble.

Some gave other reasons for choosing the party. Several young intellectuals argued that GAM’s transition from guerrilla group to party was incomplete, and it needed more time to finish the process. If the former rebels lost this time, they might opt out of the political process in a way that would have long-term negative implications for Aceh.

The most important factor in the vote, however, was almost certainly the party’s ability to mobilise the populace through the Komite Peralihan Aceh or KPA, the post-conflict name for the old guerrilla structure — and here is where some of the problems lie. The KPA is led down to the village level by former commanders, and in many areas it is indistinguishable from the party.

The KPA has no legal status, but its senior members are often powerful local warlords, grown rich through securing construction contracts and other concessions. As former combatants, they are used to obeying orders from above and securing obedience from below. When a political party is superimposed on this structure, the result has been an often autocratic organisation with little tolerance for dissent.

In Langsa, we were sitting with a group of NGO leaders discussing the election, when suddenly one lowered his voice and whispered, “Careful, it’s not sterile here.” In the Soeharto days, that used to be the reaction when a suspected military or intelligence agent appeared. This time, it was a local Partai Aceh man who had entered, and our friends were afraid of being overheard; the party is widely believed to have its own network of informers. Several local offices of the election oversight body, Panwas, said it was difficult to follow up reports of Partai Aceh violations because witnesses were afraid to come forward.

If the party is to lead Aceh in a positive direction it needs to disassociate itself from and/or dissolve the KPA, gradually rid itself of military attributes (the party’s paramilitary task force or satgas wears red berets and camouflage uniforms) and recruit new blood on college campuses. A younger, better educated faction of the party says it is trying to open the party up and make it less exclusive, but it won’t happen overnight.

This raises the question of what Partai Aceh’s political agenda will be going forward, now that it controls both the executive and legislative branches of the provincial government. While the campaign was devoid of specifics, the party has a detailed platform for preserving the peace, improving government, reducing poverty, and strengthening Achenese culture and values. If the party uses it as a guideline for policies, it could win over some sceptics, although the track record of the party’s legislators is poor.

One party worker said the top legislative priority was the draft regulation on the Wali Nanggroe, an institution agreed on in Helsinki as a ceremonial position for the late Hasan di Tiro. Malek Mahmud, GAM’s former “prime minister” and Partai Aceh’s founder, has since assumed the title and role that some in the party’s old guard see as a kind of constitutional monarch. How the final version of this regulation emerges will send important signals about the party’s willingness to let go of some of its feudal tendencies.

Aceh’s development will also depend on Jakarta and the willingness of national institutions to confront the party if it challenges the constitution or acts outside the law. Local police have shown a distinct reluctance to move against the KPA. When several members were implicated in the killings of Javanese workers in December and January, it took the elite Detachment 88 from Jakarta to make the arrests, and many Acehnese doubt that there is much interest in probing the case further.

Likewise when the party last year refused to accept a Constitutional Court ruling, Home Affairs seemed to take its side, on the grounds that the largest party in Aceh had to be “accommodated” – and it was. The lesson may be that defiance of national institutions carries no costs, particularly as 2014 draws closer.

Many Acehnese we met assume that if its elected officials don’t deliver, they will be thrown out in five years. But with an absence of checks and balances, combined with an ability to direct significant resources to members, the party may be difficult to dislodge.

Whatever happens, Aceh’s experiment in post-conflict governance will be closely watched.

Sidney Jones is senior adviser to the Asia Program of International Crisis Group.

Source : crisisgroup.org

Abu Razak: Hampir di Semua Daerah Zaini-Muzakir Menang

BANDA ACEH – Ketua Umum Pemenangan Pusat Partai Aceh, Kamaruddin Abu Bakar, atau yang dikenal Abu Razak mengatakan bahwa hampir di semua daerah pemilihan di Aceh, pasangan Zaini Abdullah Muzakir Manaf memperoleh kemenangan dalam perolehan suara.

“Dari perhitungan cepat beberapa lembaga nasional dan hasil sementara real quick count Partai Aceh menunjukkan kemenangan pasangan Zaini-Muzakir hampir di semua wilayah Aceh,” kata Abu Razak dalam saat konferensi di Kantor Pusat Pemenangan Partai Aceh, Lamdingin, Banda Aceh, Senin malam, 9 April 2012.

Disebutkan, beberapa daerah yang peroleh suaranya dimenangkan oleh Partai Aceh antara lain Aceh Utara, Pidie, Aceh Timur, dan Aceh Jaya.

Hingga saat dilaksanakannya konferensi pers, Partai Aceh telah menginput 1.339.093 suara sah dari 5581 TPS, atau sebanyak 57,04 persen dari total jumlah suara Pilkada Aceh 2012. Dari jumlah itu, pasangan Zaini-Muzakir menempati urutan pertama, sebanyak 746.175 suara atau 55,72 persen dari total suara yang masuk ke Partai Aceh.

Sedangan urutan kedua untuk pasangan Irwandi-Muhyan, 387.704 suara, atau 28,95 persen dari total suara sementara yang masuk ke Partai Aceh.  Selanjutnya pasangan Nazar-Nova, 110.375 atau 8, 24 persen, pasangan Darni Daud-Ahmad Fauzi 53,405  atau 3,99 persen, Abi Lampisang-Ahmad Tajudin 41.434 atau 3,09 persen.

Karena itu, kata Abu Razak, pihaknya menginstruksikan kepada seluruh pihak yang terlibat dalam pemenangan Partai Aceh untuk mengawal suara pada semua tingkatan yang sudah ditentukan oleh KIP.[]

Source : The Atjehpost